Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar is out for the youth vote, but will it pay off?

By Liz Heflin
6 Min Read

Tisza party head Péter Magyar’s woes in the press have largely stemmed from his legal battles in Budapest and attempt to keep his immunity in Brussels. Then, there is his apparent absence from votes in the European Parliament, as well as his incredibly poor showing in terms of contributions to parliamentary texts. 

But now we have something far more interesting: György Raskó, the agricultural entrepreneur supporting Tisza (and liberal party Momentum before that), told Válasz Online in a lengthy interview that Magyar has no interest in older politicians for top postings, meaning there is no way he (Raskó) would be minister of agriculture should Magyar come to power. 

So how old is old?

“I will definitely not be Minister of Agriculture – Péter Magyar said that the age limit is 45. This is understandable. We need young people who are energetic and can work day and night. They will face an incredible workload.”

What is interesting is that Magyar himself will be 45 at the time of next year’s election, so one can only assume he will exempt himself from this rule. 

Raskó had also previously posted (and deleted) another comment on Facebook, stating: “It is in the Tisza’s favor that many members of the elderly generation, in the order of hundreds of thousands, will drop out as voters by the next elections…”

“Drop out” presumably means “be dead.” Although Magyar tried to deny Raskó had posted this, others were quick to show screenshots of the original comment. 

As noted by Mandiner, it is good to remember that Ferenc Mádl, Magyar’s great-uncle and someone he reportedly mentions quite a bit in his posts, became a minister without portfolio at the age of 59 and president at the age of 69.

But there’s more for people to wonder about regarding Tisza’s latest political gambits. A drug lobbyist interview with Péter Magyar’s brother, Márton Magyar, was published in the media outlet Kontroll, as reported by the Drug Research Institute (DKI) and covered by Magyar Nemzet

The left-wing approach to drug policy, the portal notes, is based on the principle of so-called “harm reduction,” which seeks not to eliminate drug use but to maintain it in a regulated manner and “make it safer.” This approach runs completely counter to the national drug strategy, which is based on prevention, education, and the complete suppression of drug use. 

The left, however, has found a loophole to introduce elements of liberal drug policy into public education institutions through the training of kindergarten and school social workers — none of whom have adequate addiction or prevention training. 

Meetings and trainings have already been organized for these social workers, where they were given “practical tips.” Magyar Nemzet also points to the creation of a new database, which is being developed within the framework of the capital’s drug strategy. 

The goal is to make it easier for schools to find the right drug prevention services. However, the capital’s drug policy is entirely tied to organizations that aim to “reduce harm,” i.e. legalize drug use, meaning the database will recommend organizations to schools that align with this policy. 

Clearly, Magyar, and the Tisza party in general, believes elevating younger people to top cabinet positions in a possible future government and promising a liberal drug policy will help get it the vote. It has also benefitted heavily from funding from those in the West, particularly the United States, who want Orbán gone.

Of course, those parties are themselves now gone.

Currently, Fidesz is running multiple programs for the younger generation, from no income tax for under 25s to new home grants for families and small business loans, not to mention a commitment to strengthening the middle class.

Then, there is the question of ideology. That is, are a majority of younger Hungarians actually as liberal as Tisza thinks? That is, do they want a push for drug legalization in their kids’ or future kids’ schools? Do they actually think state decisions are best left in the hands of those 45 and under?

One thing is clear: Tisza has failed to table a candidate in multiple by-elections, calling into question the higher and higher support liberal pollsters claim it has earned. 

The Hungarian election in 2026 is sure to be interesting, or maybe not really interesting at all.  

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